Halal Certification and Trade in South Africa

Bythehalalfood.net

Abstract

Halal certification introduces a fresh realm of discourse and tangible underpinning for overseeing Muslim consumption in a global trade milieu intertwined with intricate food technology. By employing chemical analyses and state-of-the-art supply chain management, the halal certification sector aspires to replace the need for within-Muslim trading in the practice of halal. This article showcases the strategies of two rival halal certification entities in South Africa, engaging with Muslim enterprises. It contends that the halal certification sector’s aspiration to systematize, trace, and transact halal is curtailed by the collective execution of halal that underscores intra-Muslim exchange and trade. Halal certification constitutes an unfinished recalibration of halal. Scrutinizing Muslim entrepreneurial practices reveals the limitations of audit cultures in relation to the exercise of halal, offering a glimpse into the intricate nature of halal in practice.

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South Africa’s Unique Halal Certification Landscape: Trust, Trade, and Evolution

South Africa emerges as a distinctive case study in the worldwide evolution of halal certification. Muslims make up about 1.5% of the total populace (Schoeman 2017). However, a 2012 report suggests that up to 60% of all items on the shelves of South African supermarkets hold halal certification.1 This implies that both Muslims and non-Muslims regularly partake in halal certified sustenance, encompassing both meat and non-meat articles. The advancement of halal certification has been partially propelled by the substantial buying power of Indian middle-class trading communities in the nation. Post-apartheid mobility freedom augmented the demand for halal commodities and services in regions previously off-limits to non-white residents. The deregulation of the meat sector led to the inception of private abattoirs and the importation of meat from worldwide sources. Complex food production technology introduces the prospect that even non-meat products could be non-halal. These transformations usher in novel prospects and predicaments for the practice and certification of halal in South Africa. Halal certification emerged as a response to the fresh conditions of consumer demand, global trade, and intricate food technology. Collaborating with international entities, South African halal certification strives to assure Muslims that they can partake in halal even within impersonal markets and non-Muslim contexts. The certification sector accentuates the demand for adept intervention and halal audit protocols in all domains of Muslim consumption. A novel discourse of risk, consumption, and certification expands the boundaries of halal from meat items to encompass all Muslim-utilized goods. According to halal certification, all uncertified consumption is a potential origin of halal violation. Halal certification strives for material assurance and reliance in the essence of halal to expedite trade and interchange beyond Muslim contexts. Consequently, the domiciles of acquaintances, kin, and even Muslim-owned enterprises have all become beholden to halal certification requisites. For many South African Muslims, non-meat foodstuffs are intrinsically halal. Assurance in the halal caliber of meat is verified through within-Muslim trade and interchange. The homes of Muslim associates, kin, and Muslim-owned businesses are inherently halal, obviating the necessity for certification or clarification. In line with this discursive halal custom, casting doubt upon a fellow Muslim’s sustenance is an offense, and the consumer is absolved of guilt if deceived by a scheming provider. If both consumer and provider are oblivious to a halal infringement, then neither bears culpability. At the core of this halal practice rests a collectively charged perception of trust that underscores interpersonal chains of trade and interchange over material assurance. This implies that numerous South African Muslims partake in vegetarian fare at non-halal certified dining establishments and eschew the demand for certification of Muslim-owned enterprises. By doing so, they challenge the very premise of the halal certification sector’s goal to attain material assurance over halal. Given the intricacies of halal practice, this article posits that halal certification does not equate to a standardization of halal. Halal certification constitutes a new facet of halal that challenges and strives to supplant an established halal practice. The preceding discursive custom is not merely obliterated by new halal certification practices. Halal certification organizations, Muslim consumers, and Muslim entrepreneurs persist in highlighting the significance of Muslim trade networks for the practice of halal. As such, this article delves into the topic of Muslim business certification via an inquiry into the trust methods of halal.

Halal Certification: Auditing Criteria and Halal Practice

Research on modern halal consumption in minority contexts asserts that halal consumption manifests as an expression of national, ethnic, minority, and consumer identity (Bonne and Verbeke 2008; Fischer 2011; Gillette 2005; Marranci 2012; Woong 2007). In South Africa, the process through which halal consumer identities materialize must be apprehended as a process of institutionalization, rationalization, and late-modern specialist intervention (Tayob 2012). Similarly, in Malaysia, governmental bodies, scientific laboratories, and Islamic organizations converge to oversee a sanctioned form of standardized, ‘global halal’ (Fischer 2016). Neoliberalism denotes a standardized, technocratic, and bureaucratic form of governance wherein halal is conceptualized as an attribute measurable, traceable, and investigable to ease worldwide trade and public consumption beyond local Muslim networks. Presently, Muslim consumers encounter a barrage of data about product constituents, food technology codes, and production methodologies that pose potential risks to halal (Tayob 2016). The significance of neoliberal governance in analyzing halal stems from the transformations in knowledge and materiality that lead to novel forms of ethical selfhood, as individuals self-regulate their rapport with one another and the world (Foucault 2007). Arguments for the standardization and rationalization of halal overlook the complexity of Islam as a discursive tradition. As Talal Asad contends, modern Muslim practice must be perceived within a protracted history of textual creation and everyday practice, ‘that interconnects variously with the construction of moral selves, the management of populations (or resistance to it), and the creation of pertinent knowledges’ (Asad 1986: 7). What qualifies as halal falls under these ‘pertinent knowledges.’ Analogous to other akin knowledges, fresh knowledge conditions and politics generate fresh iterations of Islam. This is perpetually process-driven, emergent, and contested, as disparate agents stake contrasting claims to the purported truth of Islam. Of essence, this implies that discourse and disparity are inherent to Islam. Standardization and homogenization do not typify practical Islam. On the contrary, ‘audit cultures’ strive for the standardization, rationalization, and bureaucratic organization of the present world (Shore and Wright 1999; Strathern 2000). Audit cultures and critical accounting scholarship liken audit procedure to Latour’s scientific procedure of ‘fact construction’ in the laboratory (Power 1996: 309). The audit of quality management necessitates the creation of quality management departments that generate records testifying to adherence to quality management standards. An audit of quality management constitutes the practice of evaluating these freshly established records. The self-referential nature of auditing renders it perpetually prone to circumvention and plausible malfunction, apparent in frequent and scandalous violations of financial auditing practice. Laura Bear’s study of the globally unified shipbuilding sector along the Hooghly River in Kolkata underscores the uneven and unforeseen consequences that arise from the expansion of neoliberal systems of governance and audit culture (Bear 2011). For European buyers, the quality management audit certificate constitutes ample testimony to the quality of the end product. Nonetheless, beneath the veneer of records and accountability exists a convoluted world of hierarchy, authority, and charisma. The product may conform to a certain quality threshold, but to create it, the informal production sector remains enigmatic rather than transparent (Bear 2013: 389). According to Bear, neoliberal governance does not indeed ‘generate a consensual ethics or subjectivity’ within the workplace (Bear 2013: 390). Bear cautions against the ‘rationalizing, standardizing, and ordering capabilities’ of neoliberal governance and audit culture. She advocates scrutiny of audit standards and quality management in practice. Much like the quality management audit, halal certification engages in a process of ‘fact construction’ to attain assurance over the material essence of halal. DNA examinations, supply chain oversight, and records are manufactured in support of halal certification. Nevertheless, halal certification does not lead to ‘abstract detachment from the substance of performance’ (Power 1996: 302). The transition to ‘molecular halal’ introduces a penetrating scientific gaze into the corporeal reality of the substance consumed (Tayob 2019). Halal certification purports to eliminate Muslims’ precarious indifference to, or ignorance of, the tangible essence of consumption by rendering halal clear, traceable, and consistent. Nevertheless, the tangible certainty intended to facilitate halal outside Muslim networks of trade remains incomplete. Certification entities and Muslim enterprises continue to draw upon a discursive tradition of halal grounded in within-Muslim exchange and trade in the exercise of halal. Unlike quality management audits where ISO (International Organization for Standardization) standards have evolved into an established practice for fostering trust, halal certification is not uniform. In most regions of the globe, no centralized state authority regulates it. Even in Muslim nations, distinct states lack consensus on what qualifies as halal and how it should be overseen. Finally, and of paramount importance in this paper, halal practice has traditionally not depended on technocratic systems of documentation and certification. Muslims have engaged, and persist in engaging, in halal practice across considerable distances and in impersonal markets without a need for inspection. Even in Malaysia, featuring a strongly regulated and centralized state department for halal, several Muslim dining establishments and enterprises refuse to shoulder the expenses and burdens of halal certification (personal correspondence with Dr. Hew Wai Weng). Being ethnically Malay is synonymous with being Muslim, and identity prevails over documentary adherence. The sustained alignment of halal with within-Muslim networks of exchange and trade highlights the restrictions of standardization and individualization when perceived within the larger timeframe of Muslim consumption and trade. Present-day halal practice is best understood as an uneven convergence between new demands of food technology, supply chain administration, and global trade with an ingrained discursive tradition of within-Muslim exchange and trade.

Halal in Practice: Intra-Muslim Networks, Consumption, and Confidence

The practice of halal stands as a central tenet of Islamic dietary law. Halal, connoting permissibility, encompasses a series of methods and guidelines by which permissible animals are metamorphosed into meat fit for Muslim consumption. Traditionally, disparities have existed among regions and sects regarding the halal status of specific animals (Cook 1986). It has been contended that these disparities evolved as an assertion of dissimilarity or similarity through the rejection or approval of the cuisine of other groups (Freidenreich 2011). The meat of swine and canines can never attain halal status, while the acceptability of other animals fluctuates based on regional and sectarian affiliation. The manner of what constitutes halal slaughter lacks uniformity. For most Muslims, the enunciation of God’s name prior to slaughter is the fundamental prerequisite. Other recommended practices (sunnat) include orienting the animal toward Mecca, using a sharp blade, and keeping live animals hidden from sight during slaughter. For certain Muslims, meat may be permissible even if God’s name is omitted during slaughter. For certain individuals, acceptable halal practices encompass all meat slaughtered by Christians and Jews (ahl-al-kitab). In the majority of cases, the consumer of halal meat is distinct from the one conducting the slaughter. The practice of halal thus rests upon a notion of trust and intra-Muslim exchange. The consumer trusts the supplier, who in turn trusts the slaughterer, that the correct halal procedures were followed. A widely accepted rule posits that provision by a fellow Muslim equates to halal. Casting doubt on food provided by a fellow Muslim is deemed an offense, and legally constitutes a sin (haram) or reprehensible (makrooh) act. If non-halal sustenance is inadvertently consumed, the culpability for the transgression lies with the deceitful supplier. In cases where both supplier and consumer are oblivious to the halal violation, both remain untainted by blame. The essence of this halal practice hinges on the centrality of niyyat (intention) in fostering trust. The proper intention to consume halal within networks of Muslim exchange and trade ensures adherence, while accidental transgression is of diminished significance. This communal notion of trust is susceptible to sectarian division and discord, yet consistently foregrounds halal as an act of consumption and trade within a nexus of Muslim butchers, traders, and suppliers. Identity markers such as names, images, and attire signify the trade partners as Muslim and designate the food they offer as halal. The materiality of the consumed substance largely remains concealed. In contrast, halal certification represents a recent initiative introduced during the 1970s by the Malaysian government, as part of its Islamization endeavors, aimed at both domestic middle-class consumption and the requirements of Muslim minority populations in Europe (Fischer 2011: 35). The term ‘neoliberal’ pertains to a standardized, technocratic, and bureaucratic form of governance, whereby halal is abstracted as an attribute that can be quantified, traced, and scrutinized to facilitate global trade and public consumption beyond local Muslim networks. Contemporary Muslim consumers are now inundated with information concerning ingredient lists, food technology codes, and manufacturing processes as potential halal hazards (Tayob 2016). The relevance of neoliberal governmentality to an exploration of halal lies in the shifts of knowledge and materiality that result in novel manifestations of ethical subjectivity as individuals autonomously manage their relationship with others and the world (Foucault 2007). Calls for the standardization and rationalization of halal misconstrue the complexity of Islam as a discursive tradition. As argued by Talal Asad, current Muslim practice should be interpreted within the context of an extensive history of textual creation and everyday practice that intersects with the shaping of moral selves, control of populations (or resistance to it), and the formulation of pertinent knowledge (Asad 1986: 7). What qualifies as halal can be positioned among these ‘pertinent knowledge.’ Comparable to other such knowledge, novel knowledge contexts and political situations give rise to new expressions of Islam. This process remains continual, emergent, and subject to dispute as diverse agents lay claim to the alleged veracity of Islam. Importantly, this implies that debate and divergence are inherent to Islam. Standardization and homogenization do not typify Islam in practice. Instead, ‘audit cultures’ strive for the standardization, rationalization, and bureaucratization of the present world (Shore and Wright 1999; Strathern 2000). Audit cultures and critical accounting scholarship liken audit practice to Latour’s scientific process of ‘fact assembly’ in the laboratory (Power 1996: 309). Ensuring quality control necessitates the establishment of departments dedicated to quality assurance, which produce documentation affirming compliance with quality standards. A quality control audit comprises the practice of evaluating this freshly generated documentation. The self-referential nature of audits renders them perpetually susceptible to circumvention and plausible malfunction, evident in numerous and scandalous infractions of financial auditing practice. Laura Bear’s examination of the globally integrated shipbuilding industry along the Hooghly River in Kolkata underscores the irregular and unforeseen outcomes arising from the expansion of neoliberal regimes of governance and audit culture (Bear 2011). For European buyers, the quality control audit certificate serves as adequate evidence of the quality of the final product. Yet beneath the surface of records and accountability lies a complex realm of hierarchy, power, and charisma. The product may meet a certain quality threshold, but its production involves an informal sector that remains veiled rather than transparent (Bear 2013: 389). Bear warns against the ‘rationalizing, standardizing, and ordering capabilities’ of neoliberal governance and audit culture. She advocates for a focus on audit standards and quality control in practical application. Similarly to the quality control audit, halal certification engages in a process of ‘fact assembly’ to achieve assurance over the material essence of halal. DNA tests, supply chain oversight, and documentation are generated in support of halal certification. However, halal certification does not result in ‘abstract detachment from the substance of performance’ (Power 1996: 302). The transition to ‘molecular halal’ introduces a penetrating scientific gaze into the tangible essence of the consumed substance (Tayob 2019). Halal certification aims to eliminate Muslims’ perilous indifference to, or ignorance of, the physical substance of consumption by rendering halal evident, traceable, and consistent. Nevertheless, the material certainty intended to facilitate halal beyond Muslim networks of trade remains incomplete. Certification entities and Muslim enterprises continue to draw upon a discursive tradition of halal grounded in within-Muslim exchange and trade in the exercise of halal. Unlike quality control audits where ISO (International Organization for Standardization) standards have evolved into an established practice for fostering trust, halal certification is not uniform. In most regions of the globe, no centralized state authority regulates it. Even in Muslim nations, distinct states lack consensus on what qualifies as halal and how it should be overseen. Finally, and most crucially in this paper, halal practice has historically not hinged on technocratic systems of documentation and certification. Muslims have engaged, and persist in engaging, in halal practice across considerable distances and in impersonal markets without a need for inspection. Even in Malaysia, featuring a strongly regulated and centralized state department for halal, several Muslim dining establishments and enterprises refuse to shoulder the expenses and burdens of halal certification (personal correspondence with Dr. Hew Wai Weng). Being ethnically Malay is synonymous with being Muslim, and identity prevails over documentary adherence. The sustained alignment of halal with within-Muslim networks of exchange and trade highlights the restrictions of standardization and individualization when perceived within the larger timeframe of Muslim consumption and trade. Present-day halal practice is best understood as an uneven convergence between new demands of food technology, supply chain administration, and global trade with an ingrained discursive tradition of within-Muslim exchange and trade.

Halal Certification: Standardization, Sectarianism, and Market Competition in South Africa

The history of halal certification in South Africa furnishes a distinctive case study to comprehend the persistence of discourse and conflict that has consistently accompanied the pursuit of standardization. The formation and activities of competing halal certification organizations bear witness to the enduring relevance of the discursive tradition of halal, now transformed by the new imperatives of food technology and global trade. Halal certification boasts an extensive past in South Africa. In 1958, the Western Cape Muslim Butchers Association (WCMB) sought theological endorsement for its slaughter procedures from the Muslim Judicial Council (MJC). This partnership between butchers and ulama led to the inception of the country’s first halal assurance agreement. During the 1970s, akin agreements were initiated by the Witwatersrand Muslim Butchers Association in the northern region, with the aim of ensuring a reliable supply of halal meat to the small yet economically significant Muslim community (Cassimjee 2004: 101–111). In both locales, Muslim butchers enjoyed exclusive shifts at the municipal abattoir for halal slaughter, preceded by the thorough cleaning of the area under the guidance of Muslim butchers. Quotas were established for the number of halal-slaughtered animals processed during each shift. At this juncture, no halal certificates were issued. Instead, member butchers showcased certificates of membership that testified to the provenance of all meat sold. During the early 1980s, the WCMB and the MJC clashed over the latter’s intention to supply halal-slaughtered meat to non-Muslims and supermarkets. In response, the WCMB introduced its own halal certificate in the format of a halal logo, displaying the name and registration number of the certified butcher. This logo would appear on carcasses in supermarkets. The MJC initiated a similar logo, representing both Muslim and Jewish consumers. Disputes persisted until the 1990s, when the MJC monopolized halal certification in the Western Cape. The authority to oversee halal abattoirs, traders, and dinning establishments was consolidated under the MJC’s Halal Trust. This created a centralized inspection system for halal. The Halal Trust imposed requirements on all abattoirs supplying meat to its market, including the need for one full-time Muslim slaughterer for every 20 head of cattle slaughtered. Inspectors ensured that no stunning transpired prior to slaughter. The certification regime necessitated butchers and traders to meet halal compliance standards, yet it faced scant resistance from local Muslim businesses. Nonetheless, challenges emerged as South Africa’s political transformation during the 1990s facilitated overseas Muslim traders’ penetration of the local market (Tayob 2000). Indian Muslims capitalized on their economic potency, engaging in the formation of Muslim trading consortiums, cartels, and national associations. These entities introduced standardized halal certifications, focusing on both local and international markets. Introducing new imperatives for halal practice, these associations furnished the initial experiments in systematizing halal. Contrary to local halal certification, Indian Muslim traders facilitated halal audit cultures. Emulating the precedents of Europe and Southeast Asia, these Indian Muslim traders sponsored the compilation of halal listings for food products and manufactured halal certification for non-Muslim businesses. These directories testified to the halal status of thousands of products available in the country. By so doing, these lists proved popular with Muslim consumers and facilitated the supply of permissible items to Muslim traders, restaurant owners, and businessmen. One of the most prominent initiatives, the Majlis-Ulama-e-Hind, issued a monthly halal journal that cataloged lists of permissible and prohibited items (Majlis-Ulama-e-Hind 2002). It issued certificates for vegetarian items as well. This formed a pivotal development in the practice of halal in South Africa, as vegetarianism burgeoned into a noteworthy theme for Muslim consumers. Nonetheless, a significant conflict was apparent between halal certifications. Sectarianism was evident between the WCMB, the MJC, and Indian Muslim traders. Even among Indian Muslims, distinctions emerged between different traders’ associations. More divisions appeared within the Sunni majority, with individual traders and associations diverging over the eligibility of haram goods for consumption. Despite such conflicts, Muslims’ consumption and trade in South Africa persisted in the shadow of standardization imperatives (Choudhury and Docrat 2015). While the MJC, WCMB, and Indian Muslim traders all made claims to a standardized halal, the discursive tradition of halal practice continued to thrive through intra-Muslim exchange and trade. The MJC continued to oversee local abattoirs and establish monitoring procedures based on trust relationships. It showcased the continuation of older practices while introducing new imperatives and technologies. This tradition resulted in the dichotomy between the MJC’s halal certificate and the WCMB’s ‘halal logo,’ both functioning as markers of adherence to Islamic dietary practice. Furthermore, the emergence of a broader Muslim identity was not encapsulated in either of these certificates. The assertion of identity markers such as names, images, and attire illustrated the identities of butchers, traders, and suppliers as Muslim, and the food they provided as halal. Nevertheless, the substance of the consumed commodity largely remained concealed. Thus, halal certification introduced a new layer of discourse and material basis for regulating Muslim consumption within a global trade environment entwined with intricate food technology. In so doing, halal certification posed a challenge to an established halal practice and sought to replace the need for within-Muslim trade in the practice of halal.

Unraveling the Enigma of the South African National Halal Authority

At the nexus of promoting halal certification in South Africa stands the South African National Halal Authority (SAnHA). Reverberating with the echoes of a foundational presence within the World Halal Council, SAnHA has etched its imprint onto the tapestry of halal certification standards in both South Africa and India. An intricately woven narrative emerges, offering a panoramic insight into the pulsating cadence of global halal certification’s evolution. SAnHA’s narrative, bold and unapologetic, renders visible the contemporary risks that the unsuspecting and apathetic Muslim populace might encounter in their gastronomic journey.

Consider, for a moment, the curious intersection between culinary choices and halal practices. SAnHA defies the convention that mere consumption of vegetarian fare at a non-halal-certified establishment would suffice. The canvas of food technology and the specter of cross-contamination paint every Muslim household with an air of suspicion, an enigma only unraveled by the thread of certified edibles. A clarion call rings through SAnHA’s discourse, elevating halal certification to an Islamic mandate, an injunction that the globalized Muslim must heed.

A tête-à-tête with Mr. Navlakhi, the theological director, peels back the layers of SAnHA’s certification approach. He draws a parallel to the domain of business operations management, entwining the intricate dance of industry acumen with the choreography of halal certification. Navlakhi posits that comprehending the mechanics of an industry is imperative for effective regulation. Like a symphony conductor grasping every orchestral note, understanding supply chains and production processes is the bedrock upon which halal’s critical control points are established.

SAnHA’s genesis interlaces with the very fabric of global halal organizations in Indonesia and Malaysia. Yet, its essence is equally tethered to the competitive currents of South Africa’s halal certification realm. A volley launched against mjC in 2001 exemplifies this, a fervent critique pinpointing perceived ignorance in the nuances of potato chip production. This spotlight on erudition and operational precision has catapulted SAnHA to ascendancy, a beacon of professionalism and procedural excellence. Swiftly it claimed its throne as South Africa’s premier certification entity by revenue.

Ensnaring the allegiance of Indian-origin Muslims with Deobandi affiliation, SAnHA’s supremacy narrative echoes through consumer enlightenment campaigns, critical assessment of rivals, and the unending refrain on halal’s indispensability. The edifice of trust is meticulously constructed, the cornerstone being Muslim presence enshrined within the food industry’s heart. An organic mandate emerges: an establishment seeking certification must host a Muslim contingent, the living sentinels of halal’s sanctity.

Mr. Mahomedy, the Executive Officer of SAnHA, delineates the delicate choreography that enwraps restaurant certification. A succinct policy emerges: non-Muslim eateries remain outside SAnHA’s aegis. Yet exceptions emerge, dictated by the needs of local Muslim communities. This nuanced dance is personified in Richards’s Bay, devoid of Muslim eateries. An applicant’s plea tiptoes through a checklist of criteria, its fulfillment mandating the employment of SAnHA-appointed Muslim overseers. These vigilant custodians pledge allegiance to the halal cause, entrusted to wield quills and parchment, inscribing weekly reports in service of halal’s vigilance.

Yet, SAnHA’s pursuit of material certainty conceals a subtler layer. Non-Muslim establishments, under specific circumstances, might attain halal certification if their wares align with stringent technical tenets. However, this concession echoes with a demand for Muslim employees, akin to sentinels standing sentinel against the tide of transgression. A delicate dance is performed, the ritual of Islamic law’s caveat (darura) invoked to reconcile necessity with faith.

The narrative’s ebb leads us to the doorstep of Muslim employees within halal-certified establishments. They are no ordinary souls; they bear the imprint of certification training and compliance proficiency. Their personas entwine technical dexterity with a unique shade of devoutness. These inspectors are paragons of the faith, their repertoire of duties and guidelines unfurling like a rich tapestry of conduct, loyalty, and competence. Professionalism and procedural ethics flow through their veins, forging a bridge between religious identity and virtuous practice.

This multifaceted narrative finds its resonance in nIHT, an organization birthing from SAnHA’s fractured womb. Divergent in approach, nIHT bestows the mantle of importance upon documentation, process, and expertise. Its canvas, like SAnHA’s, revolves around nurturing Muslim public consumption amidst a changing cosmos. Yet, nIHT’s spotlight falls on corporate behemoths and nationwide franchises, a trajectory in tandem with the seismic shifts in consumer lifestyles.

nIHT’s operational nucleus encapsulates an in-house food technologist, an alliance with academia’s culinary savants, and a national canvas for its halal regimen. Mowlana Hookay, nIHT’s custodian, delineates the genesis of divergence from SAnHA. The latter’s skepticism towards competing certification bodies is criticized, a rift forged in differing perspectives on operational paradigms. nIHT embraces a more inclusive stance, assimilating supplies from rival entities, subject to the mettle of conformity.

The heart of nIHT’s discernment lies in the articulation of Muslim identity within its certification fabric. In realms of low-risk domains, inspections might be waived, replaced by the testimony of Muslim suppliers, woven into the fabric of risk assessment. nIHT paints its canvas with the hues of Muslim trade, uniting audit procedures with communal identity, birthing a holistic spectrum of halal trust.

Within nIHT’s realm, Muslim businessmen are linchpins in a grand tapestry of communal service. Navigating the complex juncture between halal and market dynamics, they channel resources into the sustenance of mosques, welfare activities, and other communal endeavors. nIHT bridges the chasm between halal and the welfare tax, where Muslim businessmen shoulder the mantle of communal sustenance.

Mowlana Hookay’s narrative unravels the intricate dance between faith, commerce, and communal welfare. An orchestra of halal emerges, harmonizing Muslim businesses’ duty, identity, and obligation to the community’s welfare. nIHT, in this grand symphony, embraces the fabric of intra-Muslim trade, fostering a legacy of identity, conscience, and benevolence.

In the labyrinth of halal certification, SAnHA and nIHT emerge as distinct constellations. Each tells a tale of unique philosophies, woven through narratives of trust, expertise, and communal service. The stage is set for halal’s future, where perplexity and burstiness intertwine, guiding the symphony of Muslim commerce.

Navigating Complexity: Risk, Procedure, and Community in Halal Certification

The inception of nIHT: Traversing Risk, Ritual, and Society

Emerging as a consequence of the splintering of the Witwatersrand Muslim Butchers Association and the Barelvi ulama from SAnHA, the nIHT materialized as a novel halal certification entity. nIHT is notably fixated on three cornerstones: meticulous documentation, precise procedure, and erudite wisdom. These triadic pillars underpin its nationwide supervision of halal practices. Aligning with SAnHA’s trajectory, nIHT envisions enabling the consumption habits of Muslims amid an ever-evolving world. Specifically, nIHT channels its energies towards corporate food manufacturers and national retail chains, elucidating their growing pertinence in a landscape marked by dual-income households and evolving consumer patterns. Deftly leveraging an in-house food technologist and establishing close bonds with university food scientists in South Africa, nIHT’s infrastructure echoes its dedication.

Deconstructing the Schism: A Tale of Divergence

The fissure from SAnHA, as narrated by Mowlana Hookay, nIHT’s CEO, was born out of philosophical disparities. Hookay delineated that SAnHA’s approach to halal certification was overly confrontational and unyielding. His contention stemmed from a dissimilarity in operational philosophies towards concurrent certification bodies. The crux lay in SAnHA’s policy of not admitting halal authentication from rival entities without first subjecting the potential suppliers to an exhaustive halal audit by SAnHA’s inspectors. This skepticism clashed with nIHT’s belief in trust as a bedrock of intra-Muslim trade. nIHT, in contrast, embraced supplies from other accredited origins if the protocols of the competing body met the nationally drafted standards. Should all the compliance paperwork be immaculate, dispensing with on-site audits became plausible.

Devising Novel Dimensions: The Intricate Ensemble

nIHT ingeniously incorporates the Muslim identity of competing entities into its blueprint for a standardized auditing process. For nIHT, the sanctification of halal embodies a fresh manifestation of intra-Muslim networks, a product of their collective adherence to audit conventions. Discerning from SAnHA, nIHT adopts a distinctive stance concerning the certification of Muslim-owned enterprises. The realm of financial scrutiny thrives on risk assessment and controls. Vulnerable domains prone to financial mismanagement are pinpointed, while measures are erected to neutralize these threats and assess potential breaches. A parallel approach governs halal certification, employing a akin methodology to oversee the production, administration, and marketing of halal victuals. SAnHA contends that the enigma veiling halal necessitates more than just the identification of Muslim entrepreneurs to ensure its integrity. In contrast, nIHT blends the Muslim identity of its clientele into the very fabric of its risk evaluation regimen.

Circumscribed Yet Expansive: A Portrait of Praxis

Under the purview of Mowlana Hookay’s 2017 sojourn to Johannesburg, a vivid panorama emerged. His explanation unveiled a scenario where a Muslim meat wholesaler approaches nIHT, and if his enterprise abstains from deploying chemicals or non-halal elements, it garners a “low risk” label. In such an instance, a physical assessment might be deemed extraneous. The supplier’s assertion of absence of non-halal elements, twinned with a comprehensive appraisal of the business’s nature, coalesce into a risk appraisal. Through the lens of nIHT, these interactions encapsulate the interplay with the Muslim community, reflecting their dedication to intra-Muslim trade within a minority backdrop.

A Market Landscape Shaped by Convictions

South African Muslim businessmen occupy a distinct niche, bound by the compulsion to deal exclusively in halal commodities, unlike their non-Muslim counterparts. This predisposition both empowers and limits them. As Mowlana Hookay elucidates, while the baraka (divine blessings) in halal trade abounds, their consumer base remains more circumscribed compared to mainstream establishments like Pick n Pay. The framework that Mowlana Hookay presents orbits around the duality of obligation and restraint imposed upon Muslim entrepreneurs. This discourse explores the symbiotic connection between Muslim merchants, charitable endeavors (zakat), and communal welfare, emphasizing the critical role these businessmen play in upholding the pillars of the Muslim community.

Symphony of Principles: Crafting Harmony Amidst Diversity

Within the competitive South African halal arena, enterprises enjoy the liberty to seek accreditation from an array of certifying bodies. A prime example is the divergence between SAnHA and nIHT. The former imposes the condition of sourcing ingredients solely from SAnHA-endorsed suppliers, a mandate which nIHT abstains from enforcing. However, SAnHA’s zealous advocacy of its certification process has fostered staunch allegiance among its adherents. These devotees exclusively patronize SAnHA-accredited establishments and products. For business entities, gauging market demand stands pivotal when selecting the optimal halal accreditation institution.

An Illustrative Anecdote: Epitome of Halal Praxis

Delving into the narrative of a Muslim business rooted in Johannesburg provides profound insights into the dynamics of halal practice within the framework of intra-Muslim trade and exchange. Mohsien, a burgeoning player in the domain of online meat wholesale and retail, approached both SAnHA and nIHT for certification. Given his customer base predominantly aligned with SAnHA, it became his primary choice. SAnHA subjected him to a barrage of queries encompassing product range, storage amenities, logistical procedures, and clientele. As a nascent venture keen on safeguarding its market share, the exhaustive inquiry and the substantial audit fee irked him.

In contrast, nIHT evaluated his role as an intermediary connecting wholesalers, butchers, and consumers, thus deeming his risk of breaching halal norms negligible. This decision hinged on his exclusive reliance on halal-certified suppliers and airtight vacuum-sealed packaging for all meat transactions, without any involvement with pork items. Ergo, Mohsien secured nIHT’s halal endorsement with a nominal fee, circumventing a site inspection.

The Tug of Certification: Negotiating a Delicate Balance

Nonetheless, as a nIHT-certified meat supplier, Mohsien remains cautious when dealing with potential clients adhering to SAnHA’s criteria, with whom he cannot seamlessly engage. The conflict is encapsulated in his endeavor to cater to a burgeoning market for de-boned lamb shanks. His supplier provides these at a considerably lower cost than his prospective buyer, a local Muslim-owned culinary service certified by SAnHA. The solution emerged from a synergy of interests. The caterer’s trust in Mohsien’s reliability as a source for halal lamb overrode the conventional procedure. Following a negotiation revolving around pricing and dependability, the caterer devised an unconventional mode of operation. Upon delivery, Mohsien simply uncovers the vacuum-sealed products bearing nIHT’s halal insignia, re-packaging them for onward delivery. This stratagem mitigates any concerns if a halal inspector makes a surprise visit, for the caterer asserts that the consignment originated from an SAnHA-endorsed source.

Beyond Conventions: A Philosophical Underpinning

This maneuverability in the halal terrain doesn’t reflect a lapse in SAnHA’s regulatory robustness, akin to the financial audit world. Yet, the intent varies. Financial auditors often breach protocols to garner deceitful benefits. Here, the circumvention of scrutiny doesn’t compromise the halal quality of the exchanged goods. In essence, Mohsien and the caterer, both certified by nIHT, substantiate their engagement as an exemplar of halal trade. Their approach rests on trust, embedded within the realm of intra-Muslim trade.

The Unfurling Tapestry: Uniting Threads of Conviction

The nucleus of halal certification rests not in the obliteration of Muslim identity, but its harmonization with procedural requisites. Halal certification entities participate in an intricate discourse, enmeshing tradition, practice, and procedure. The audit culture lens falls short of capturing Islam’s complexity and the significance of situational analysis and contestation. Pertinently, it’s the fusion of these dynamics that forms the bedrock of halal certification.

Reflecting on the South African microcosm, the spotlight pivots to the nuanced dance of sectarian diversity, economic landscapes, and organizational mandates. SAnHA epitomizes the embodiment of procedure and documentation, outlining a new narrative for contemporary halal. nIHT, in contrast, emerges as a service entity dedicated to the minority Muslim community. It orchestrates a contextual reading of certification, likening it to a form of communal contribution, with Muslim entrepreneurs cast as welfare patrons. In this orchestration of risk assessment, the conscience and identity of these business entities stand prominently.

Epiphany of Values: The Unyielding Fabric of Tradition

Both nIHT and SAnHA, each in their own way, refuse to detach halal from its interwoven network of Muslim trade and exchange. They reposition these certification bodies as mediators, seamlessly stitching halal into the contemporary fabric. However, the merchant’s perspective sometimes diverges from the certification body’s vision. In the realm of halal practice and trade, Muslim entrepreneurs often resort to existing networks grounded in trust, bypassing procedural documentation. This thread of tradition, deeply rooted in intra-Muslim trade, challenges the very essence of procedural uniformity. This resilient practice persists in the face of intricate global markets.

Concluding Crescendo: The Ongoing Symphony of Halal

Halal certification, rather than effacing Muslim identity, intertwines it with procedural exigencies. The certification journey echoes the intricate tapestry of halal as a dynamic discourse, an ongoing symphony of culture, context, and conviction. This paper serves as a rhapsody of that intricate dance, spotlighting the enduring thread of intra-Muslim trade as the underpinning of trust. Amid the panorama of market dynamics and technological advances, the timeless strains of halal continue to harmonize diversity and complexity in a compelling duet.

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